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Remarks
of former Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright at the
Conference
on the Role of Regional and Multilateral Organizations in
the Defence and Promotion of Democracy Organization of American
States
Washington D.C. February 21,2001
Thank
you Assistant Secretary General Einaudi, members of the diplomatic
corps, representatives of international organizations and
NGOs, guests and friends, good morning.
It's
wonderful to be here. This is my first serious speaking engagement
since leaving office.
For
those who may be wondering, I am doing fine.
I loved being Secretary of State, but it's liberating
to be able to get up in the morning and actually plan my own
day. Of course,
I do have to make some adjustments.
From
my old office, I could look out over the Mall, and see the
Lincoln and Jefferson Memorials. From my new office, I can
see the California Pizza Kitchen and a place offering custom
tattoos.
After
the inauguration, I spent a week at a health club out west.
It was a real bargain. You write them a check; in return,
they make you sweat all day and eat vegetables. Strangely,
I enjoyed it; I needed the exercise and nobody talked about
the Middle East.
Still,
I'm happy to be back in Washington, where everyone is being
unusually--almost suspiciously--nice. I'd like to think this
stems from an outburst of spontaneous affection; more likely
it's because I am just about to write my book.
Obviously,
there will be a lot of changes in my life. But one thing that
will not change is my desire to see the Community of Democracies
initiative thrive.
In
Warsaw last June, we took note of the growth of democracy
within every culture and on every continent, evidenced not
only by the rising number of elected governments, but also
by the mushrooming of civil society.
We
pledged to collaborate in international institutions in order
to foster democratic governance.
We
discussed ideas for sharing best democratic practices.
And
we talked about the ways by which our democratic community
can come to the aid of democratic nations endangered by internal
or external threats.
I
was very moved last summer when Foreign Minister Geremek of
Poland spoke about wanting to attach Warsaw's name to an historic
declaration of democratic principles, and thereby help erase
the memory of the Warsaw Pact.
That
hope has been fulfilled. The Community of Democracies initiative,
and the Warsaw Declaration--now endorsed by 110 countries--are
breaking new ground.
They
have created a model for cooperation among democratic nations
and among all those sharing the democratic faith.
Henceforth, we are pledged to help one another secure
and deepen our freedoms.
This
commitment will not lead to miracles overnight.
But if we work hard enough, we can give the new century
a welcome identity--as a time of greater liberty, prosperity
and peace than the world has ever known.
This
is not mere sentiment; it is fact. For we have learned that
democracy is more than just another form of government; it
is also a powerful generator of progress. And our challenge
is to maintain the momentum so that the democratic tide remains
a rising tide around the equator and from pole to pole.
Like
most tasks that truly matter, this job will not be easy.
A
decade ago, the Berlin Wall came down and we all felt like
dancing in the streets.
Similar emotions accompanied the replacement of dictators
with democrats in Asia, Africa and Latin America.
But euphoria fades and we soon realized that building
viable democracies in the newly free countries would take
time. Still,
we were optimistic.
Now
we have entered a new phase, and there is a danger, in some
quarters, that optimism will give way to defeatism, and open
the door to failed approaches from the past.
Many
new democracies are struggling because of the burdens they
inherited and the ongoing challenges they face--such as poverty
and disease, crime and corruption, too much strife and not
enough skills.
Many
have been blindsided by the need to adjust to the global economy,
and to an information revolution that has elevated public
expectations, without meeting them.
And
some are plagued by leaders who are more eager to embrace
the democratic label than to meet democratic responsibilities.
Day-by-day,
we are re-learning the meaning of Jefferson's warning that
the price of liberty is eternal vigilance; with the corollary
that it also requires eternal effort.
The
Community of Democracies can help focus our energies so they
reinforce one another. That will make the task of each country
easier, while brightening the prospects for overall success.
For
this to happen, regional and global institutions must play
a central role. With the Cold War over, we expect such organizations
to do more than just host meetings and issue reports. To be
relevant, they must become instruments of action. To keep
pace, they must constantly adapt. To be effective, they must
be champions of democracy.
At
the most basic level, institutions can assist countries in
assembling the nuts and bolts of freedom. They do this by
promoting civil society, monitoring elections, training police,
encouraging independent media, and bearing witness to violations
of human rights.
I
know that during your deliberations yesterday, representatives
from a number of organizations reported on the innovative
work they are doing.
I congratulate all who are involved, and hope we can
steadily expand such activities in the future.
Organizations
can also help fragile democracies integrate themselves more
fully into the global economy; tools include debt relief,
technical assistance and incentives for trade.
Many countries need such help, but I believe democracies
deserve to be first in line.
The
EU and MERCOSUR are among the organizations that require democratic
governance in return for economic benefits. We should keep
this model in mind as we negotiate a Free Trade Agreement
for the Americas, and similar pacts elsewhere.
A
third important role for organizations is to come to the aid
of democracies that are under siege from external or internal
threats.
I
think back to 1994.
I was Permanent Representative from the United States
to the UN. A
coup in Haiti had ousted the elected government. The military authorities had violated an agreement to restore
democratic rule. Haitian
dissidents were being tortured and killed.
The
OAS approved a strong Resolution calling for the constitutional
government's return.
If the OAS had not acted, we would never have gained
UN Security Council approval for a multinational force.
Today,
this Hemisphere is a leader in helping and protecting democracies
in trouble. In
addition to Haiti, recent examples include Paraguay, Guatemala,
Ecuador and Peru.
There
is, of course, no simple foolproof formula for deciding when
and how to come to the aid of a democracy.
The variables of public life cannot be reduced to mathematics.
Decisions must be made on a case-by-case basis.
As
in Haiti seven years ago, our strategy should reflect the
will of the people of the country involved, and support constitutional
procedures. We
must be clear that those seeking to interrupt democracy will
pay a high price whether or not they succeed.
To
this end, international organizations and their members should
consider in advance the array of sanctions that might be imposed
when a democracy is disrupted; and the benefits available
when it is preserved.
They
should have skilled mediators available to conduct quiet diplomacy
when dangers arise.
They
should understand the need for regional and global organizations
to support each other and they should talk to one another
about how to divide responsibilities.
They
should review the lessons learned after each crisis in order
to better prepare for the next.
And
they should forge strong partnerships with NGOs.
Of course, I may be biased, since I just BECAME an
NGO; but the truth is we need civil society's knowledge and
commitment, resources and clout.
Making freedom work is everyone's job, and we will
all do better if we are pulling in the same direction.
We
know that in some cases the principal threat to democracy
comes from those who acquire power legitimately, but then
abuse it for their own ends. This was the situation in Peru, before the dismissal of its
corrupt and corrupting Intelligence Chief, and the resignation
of President Fujimori--whose legacy is mixed.
In
other cases, forces beyond the government's control threaten
democracy. That
is the situation in Colombia.
As
this audience well knows, Colombia's people are the victims
of a decades-long civil war, fueled by drug trafficking, and
accompanied by massive violations of human rights.
In
response, President Pastrana has developed a comprehensive
plan to negotiate peace, restore law, economic recovery, and
reform key institutions.
Last
year, my government provided more than $1 billion in badly
needed aid. Some of the funds were aimed at shielding other countries in
the region from the impacts of Colombia's conflict. The majority was directed at fighting drugs.
These remain vital goals; but it will take more than
fighting drugs for democratic forces to win in Colombia.
It
is essential that we all stick with President Pastrana as
he resumes negotiations with the guerrillas to achieve a ceasefire
and an exchange of prisoners.
We
must assist efforts to generate drug-free economic solutions
for the Colombian people.
We should help to strengthen political and social institutions.
We should aid Colombia's effort to reform its armed forces,
and end any remaining links between the military and outlaw
groups.
Above
all, we must do all we can in the United States and elsewhere
to cut demand for illegal drugs; because the appetite for
narcotics is among the deadliest forms of cross-border intervention.
This
is a tall order that will take time.
But Colombia must be healthy if our hemisphere is to
be secure. It is both right and smart for the democratic community
to close ranks and help.
On
Cuba, let me just say that I was often asked when I was in
office about the wisdom of the embargo.
People in the United States are very divided about
this. Critics suggest that if a policy doesn't work for 40
years, one might logically begin to reconsider it. On the other hand, Castro hasn't changed in 40 years, which
has made it hard to generate enthusiasm for a new policy.
I
am convinced that debating the embargo right now is more divisive
than productive. Our
focus should be on how to help Cubans prepare for the day
when Castro is no longer in the picture.
We
all want to see a rapid and peaceful transition to democracy. But that will be difficult in a society that has been told
for decades that democracy is an imperialist tool.
I
hope the nations and organizations represented here will strive
to counter Castro’s propaganda, nurture civil society, and
back those in Cuba who are trying to expand the bounds of
political and intellectual expression.
I
also hope that the United States will be able to work as a
partner with you in these efforts. The Clinton Administration
did all it could within the limits of U.S. law to expand people-to-people
contacts, and encourage growth of independent institutions
in Cuba.
Looking
to the future, I think it might be a good idea for Congress
to re-examine our laws. As written, they provide very little
flexibility beyond the meaningful but modest steps President
Clinton was able to take.
If
a process of change were to begin in Cuba, under present law,
the Bush Administration could do nothing until a near-perfect
democracy was in place.
That is a prescription for paralysis.
Congress
should give President Bush the capacity to offer incentives
aimed at shaping events in Cuba, and not merely reacting to
them.
It
may be hard to visualize a democratic Cuba.
But that prospect is less remarkable than many of the
transformations we have witnessed in recent years, in which
regional and global organizations have played a pivotal role.
For
example, the UN, NATO, the EU and OSCE have done much to help
democracy find nourishment in the Balkans' rocky soil.
Together, they have spurred democratic progress in
Bosnia, Croatia, Albania and Macedonia. And international
support helped the brave people of Yugoslavia free themselves
from Milosevic's corrupt and criminal rule.
In
this connection, I commend Secretary of State Powell for sending
a letter of congratulations to the new government in Belgrade
for its decision to embrace the Warsaw Declaration.
Secretary Powell has made clear that America will maintain
its bipartisan tradition of leadership for democracy in our
own hemisphere and worldwide.
In
Africa, the OAU has embraced democratic principles, although
many of its members continue to struggle.
In Warsaw, my colleague from Malawi warned that free
institutions have little chance to survive if they are not
associated with a better quality of life.
I
am proud of the Clinton Administration's success last year
in gaining Congressional support for debt relief the Africa
Growth and Opportunity Act, and a more robust investment in
fighting HIV/AIDS. I
am encouraged that the senseless war between Ethiopia and
Eritrea has come to an end.
And I am pleased that new leadership in the Congo may
revive the UN peace process there.
The
world should support Africa in its efforts to fight disease,
end conflicts and participate more fully in the world economy.
At the same time, we must not fall into the trap of lowering
expectations.
The
African people deserve leaders who take democracy seriously.
President Obasanjo merits strong support for his effort to
keep Nigeria together and move it forward. President Mugabe
deserves strong condemnation for his effort to divide Zimbabwe
and drag it backward into lawlessness and fear.
While
in Warsaw for the democracy conference, I had the honor of
introducing a video of Aung San Suu Kyi. There are times I
think I could make a living doing this.
It's at least the third time I have introduced a video
of this courageous woman.
I
pray the day will come when she is free to accompany her message
abroad, and when the Burmese people are free to choose their
own leaders and shape their own destinies.
Prayers,
of course, are good and necessary things in this case, they
are not sufficient.
The
ILO has done a service by calling attention to Burma's abhorrent
labor practices. The UN Special Representative encouraged
the dialogue that has now begun between Aung San Suu Kyi and
the military regime.
My
hope is that ASEAN will also begin to assert itself as an
organization committed to democracy. And I am pleased that
former Foreign Minister Surin, who will address this conference
later today, has been a leader in trying to nudge the group
in the right direction.
The
blur of daily events makes it hard at times to track the dominant
currents that are steadily shaping and re-shaping the landscape
of world affairs.
We
do not have the advantage of historians who know end of the
story before they write the beginning.
We
proceed day-by-day, trying to avoid the whirlpools, stay alert
for storms, and bail out the boat, when necessary.
We
might well lose our way if we did not have our eyes fixed
on the horizon, to which we are guided by a constant star.
I
spoke earlier of the inspiration provided by the Memorials
to Jefferson and Lincoln.
Their
genius was not expressed through some esoteric theory of chemistry
or physics. Their
insights were--and are--accessible to us all.
They were based on the simple premise that every individual
counts; and that for all our differences of race, culture,
background and birth; we are equal at the ballot box and before
the law.
That
idea remains the most powerful and revolutionary force for
economic and social progress in the world.
Over time, it has attracted champions on every continent
and lifted the lives of billions of people.
Last June, it brought representatives from more than
100 countries to Warsaw.
This week, it brought us here.
In
closing, I will say again that I intend in my new life to
devote as much time, thought and energy as I can to the promotion
of democracy. I can conceive of no better way to give thanks
for the opportunities I have had in my life, or to apply the
lessons I have learned in more than six decades on this planet.
Moreover,
when you fight for democracy, you are sure , to meet some
wonderful people along
the way.
Congratulations
on the fine work you all are doing.
And thanks again for your warm welcome here today.
List
of International and Regional Organizations participating
in the OAS Conference
Organization
of Security and Cooperation in Europe
Jan Kubis. Secretary General
United
Nations
Ibrahim Gambari. Advisor for Special Assignments in Africa
Interparliamentary
Union
Anders B. Johnson, Secretary General
European
Commission
Fraser Cameron. Political Councilor
Organization
of African Unity
Dieudonne Kombo-yaya, Deputy Director, Politjcal Cooperation
Division
World
Bank
Mats Karlsson. Vice President. External/United Nations Affairs
Organisation
Internationale de la Francophonie
Ambassador Ridha Bouabib, Permanent Observer of the Organisation
of the Francophonie to the United Nations
Association
of South East Asian Nations
M.C. Abad. Jr.. Special Assistant to the Secretary General
Council
of Europe
Jos Lemmers.
Executive Director. North-South Center
Commonwealth
of Nations
Jon Sheppard, Director. Political Affairs Division
International
Conference on New or Restored Democracies
Ambassador Joel W. Adechi, Permanent Mission of the Republic
of Benin to the United Nations
United
Nations Development Program
Ken Sherter. Senior Advisor for Governance
Nonaligned
Movement
Economic
Community of West African States |
