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G.
John Ikenberry, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic
Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order After Major War (Princeton:
2001)
New
from Princeton University Press
"For
the third time in this troubled century and following the
end of the Cold War and the tragic events in the former Yugoslavia,
the world is challenged to create a stable and enduring world
order. In this path-breaking book, Ikenberry draws on novel
theoretical insights and historical experience to determine
what policies and strategies work best as the United States
attempts to lead in the struggles to create a new world order.
..A major contribution to IR theory and to the thinking about
international order. " -Robert
Gilpin, Princeton University
The end of the Cold War was
a "big bang" reminiscent of earlier moments after
major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815
and the end of the World Wars in 1919 and 1945. In this book,
G. John Ikenberry asks the question: what are the choices
and strategies that newly victorious -and newly powerful -states
face in building a stable and legitimate world order at these
critical historical turning points? In examining the major
post-war settlements in modern history, he argues that powerful
states at these defining post-war junctures have all recognized
that their national interests were served by building a cooperative
set of relations with the other great powers, but the type
of order that ultimately emerged hinged on their own ability
to make commitments and restrain power.
The novel insight of the
book is that ability of a powerful state to restrain its own
power -to make itself less threatening in its capacity to
dominate or abandon weaker or secondary states -is critical
to that country's primacy. When the leading state cannot commit
and restrain its power other states have fewer incentives
to pursue partnerships with it and the resulting world order
will revert to a dangerous and less mutually beneficial balance
of power order. But if the leading state is able to find ways
to commit and restrain its power, new sorts of partnerships
are possible and the resulting order can evolve into a more
stable, cooperative, and mutually advantageous order. Ikenberry
argues that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth
century and the innovative use of international institutions
-both linked to the rise of the United States as a world power
-has order been created that goes beyond balance of power
politics to exhibit what he calls "constitutional"
characteristics. The open character of the American polity
and a web of multilateral institutions allow the United States
to exercise strategic restraint and establish stable relations
among the industrial democracies despite rapid shifts and
extreme disparities in power.
The
implications of this sweeping argument for today's American
foreign policy makers are clear. First, although obscured
by the Cold War, the United States did succeed in building
a remarkably robust political order with its European and
Asian partners. This order-- or democratic community --survived
the Cold War and exists today as the center of global politics.
Foreign policy makers often forget that this trilateral democratic
order did not spring automatically to life but was built on
political bargains and institutional commitments among the
democratic great powers. To preserve this order we will need
to renew and reinforce these bargains and institutional relationships.
Second, American power today is again at an historical highpoint.
American foreign policy makers should remember the secret
that previous American officials recognized in the 1940s when
attempting to build cooperative world order while also making
American power acceptable to other states. Tying American
power to the array of intergovernmental and multilateral institutions
both extends American interests outwards and makes American
power more legitimate in the eyes of other peoples. Unilateralism
and unrestrained American power are the surest path to the
end of the cooperative democratic order that America created
and that serves its enlightened interests.
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