Statement
by H. E. Carolina Barco, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Colombia
November 11, 2002
Co-Chairmen:
I am
particularly grateful to the round table chairmen who prepared
the document on the consolidation of democratic institutions
as the basis of the discussion by this panel. My delegation
agrees with the appreciations which it offers. I would only
add some comments which I hope will enrich our reflections.
Political
Globalization
Political
globalization is not mentioned as often as other aspects of
the context of globalization. However it has a number of dimensions.
Among the positive ones is the effort to universalize democracy,
not simply in an electoral and formal sense, but also in a
full and comprehensive way. This process has led to the institutionalization
of electoral observation procedures and missions by the United
Nations, regional multilateral organizations and NGOs concerned
with strengthening the exercise of democracy. Likewise, progress
has been made in the creation of mechanisms to protect democracy.
The most important of them in the Western hemisphere is the
Democratic Charter adopted on 11 September 2000 in Lima.
The credibility
and effectiveness of electoral systems have also been a subject
of concern and there have been several occasions in which
assistance and loans have been offered by regional or world
organizations to improve and make them more credible and transparent.
Furthermore
in regard to corruption, the Organization of American States
adopted the Inter-American Convention against Corruption and
created the mechanisms to follow up and implement the measures.
Twenty-eight countries in the hemisphere are now parties to
the Convention.
There
is clearly a strong link between the quality of governance
and the stability of democracy. It will not be possible to
guarantee or protect human rights without State presence.
The safekeeping of civilians and human rights protection are
factors crucial to governance since they make social inclusion
and economic development possible. Democratic governance and
public security are sine qua non conditions for economic development
and investment.
Among
the generic problems facing democratic governance, the Co-Chairmen’s
document rightly points to the weakness of the Rule of law,
corruption, and poverty, which feed off each other. Much more
than political will or the support of regional organizations
is needed to solve these problems.
Colombia
To this
analysis, we should add that while globalization has offered
some positive dimensions to the exercise of democracy, it
has also brought some negative problems in its wake, such
as the world drug problem, closely linked to the uncontrolled
trade in chemical precursors, illicit arms trade, terrorism
and money-laundering, amongst others.
I would
like to refer briefly to the situation of my own country.
Colombia
has one of the oldest and most respected democracies among
Latin American nations. It has held regular elections ever
since the first days of independence at the dawn of the 19th
century – a record comparable only with that of the
world’s most solid democracies. Colombia had the same
Constitution for 105 years from 1886 to 1991 and introduced
the system of judicial review in the early 20th century, well
before most countries in the region and even before several
European countries.
Colombia
is one of the five countries in the world with the greatest
biological diversity, illiteracy is currently under 8%, the
annual economic growth from 1980 to 1994 was 4.5%, the gender
balance in government as well as private sector is one of
the most remarkable in the world, half of the President’s
cabinet are women, including the Ministers of Defense and
Foreign Affairs.
The
new Constitution
However,
in 1991, the country came increasingly under siege from growing
illegal insurgent groups and from terrorist and criminal actions
of the drug cartels which took the lives of political leaders,
presidential candidates, government officials, and judges
of our Supreme Court.
In search
of mechanism to combat this situation a new constitution was
adopted by a Constituent Assembly, designed to strengthen
democratic governance in its fullest form. The most important
elements of the modern notion of democratic governance were
incorporated into the new Constitution inspired by the principles
of participatory democracy.
The Constituent
Assembly crystallized a peace process which had been initiated
by the previous government and which eventually led to the
reinsertion of insurgent groups such as the M-19 and EPL into
democratic life. Many former members of these groups are now
Congressmen, provincial assemblymen or town councilors; and
not a few have been members of the executive branch of government.
Some sectors of the insurgent groups, however, decided to
continue their armed struggle.
Insurgent
groups and drug cartels
The end
of the Cold War contributed to the erosion of the ideological
base of such insurgent groups which have moved steadily into
the vacuum left by the drug cartels, previously dismantled
by State action, and have become involved in crimes related
to illicit drug trading, kidnapping, extortion and terrorist
actions in general.
This
situation has become more acute in the last ten years, and
other, parallel criminal organizations (paramilitary groups)
have sprung up in the fight against guerrillas; and they,
like the guerrillas, also increasingly live from drug-trafficking.
It is no accident that the largest areas of illicit crops
are to be found in areas with a strong presence of illegal
armed groups.
One of
the amazing aspects of Colombia is that in spite of the internal
conflict, the country had been able to sustain remarkable
economic and social performance. However, the situation at
present is of critical concern and requires decided effective
action.
Despite
state efforts, the area planted with coca-leaf crops has grown
from 60,000 to almost 350,000 acres in the last fifteen years.
Hundreds
of millions of dollars from drug-trafficking are fueling the
war in Colombia leaving a trail of forced displacement, death
and destruction. There are now two million Colombians, of
whom almost 800,000 are children, who have had to abandon
their land due to the pressures of the violent groups.
Some
of the most important successes of recent political reforms,
such as decentralization and the popular election of mayors,
have been marred by the actions of the illegal armed groups:
390 mayors, nine governors and seventeen Assemblymen, all
democratically elected, have received death threats.
Ordinary
people have also become a target for these groups. Extortion
and kidnapping have become an important source of funds for
the illegal groups. More than 15,000 people have been kidnapped
in Colombia in the last five years.
The impact
of violence on the economy is enormous. Suffice it to say
that the Central Bank has calculated the effect of violence
on our economic growth as equivalent to four percent of our
Gross Domestic Product.
The
Uribe Administration commitment
Colombia
faces very serious threats to her democracy and governance,
which as we have seen, have been fueled by problems of a global
nature. The commitment of President Uribe’s administration
is to strengthen the State, strengthen civilian society and
encourage participation in all areas, hence, the idea of Democratic
Security – to restore the country’s capacity to
face one the greatest challenges in its history.
Restoring
the rule of law and securing State presence in event region
of the country will permit economic and social development.
An increase in the coverage of health and education programs
is fundamental, as well as an enlargement of the number of
soldiers in the army and members of the police force. With
regard to education, the government’s goal is to increase
coverage by 1.500.000 places during the next 4 years to reach
95% coverage at the middle school level.
In Colombia
we have taken a determined stand to fight the world drug problem,
terrorism, poverty and social exclusion. We have made enormous
sacrifices that can be counted in lives – every one
of them of precious value – and in vast amounts of resources
in order to combat these problems.
The
weaknesses of global governance
We cannot
fight alone against the scourge of drugs and the ravages of
terrorism. Their global nature requires the commitment of
the most solid democracies - their political and material
support - to solve these problems successfully. This support
is no more and no less than the necessary shared responsibility
to face a problem which is international in nature and worldwide
in scope.
Global
governance has great shortcomings and its weaknesses affect
us very directly.
Indeed,
lack of implementation of international conventions, resolutions,
declarations, plans of action, adopted at summits and ministerial
conferences contribute to weaken the credibility of the commitment
of the international community to face these phenomena.
The international
community can and should contribute to the strengthening of
democratic governance in Colombia and the world with specific
measures such as –
- Action
to eradicate illicit drugs consumption.
- Strict
control of precursors’ markets.
- Action
designed to eliminate the traffic in small arms and light
weapons, ammunition and explosives, as implementation of
the Action Plan agreed at last year’s conference on
this subject held in New York.
- A
legal ban on payments of ransom or extortion.
- Strict
compliance with Resolution 1373 (2001) of the Security Council,
which orders all States to prevent and suppress the financing
of terrorist acts: to freeze the financial assets or economic
resources of persons involved in such acts: to prohibit
their nationals and entities within their territories from
giving any funds, directly or otherwise to those who commit
or attempt to commit such acts; and to deny safe haven or
rights of permanence to those who finance, plan, support
or commit terrorist acts.
Each and
every member of the international community has a responsibility
in the face of these worldwide phenomena which so seriously
affect countries such as mine. The Colombian government is
doing its part. It is urgent that the members of the international
community, and especially the most solid democracies in the
world should also do their part without delay.
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