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Islam,
Democracy, and Human Rights
CCD
is pleased to bring to the attention of our readers an especially
insightful speech given on June 4 at the 2004 Bennington College
Commencement by recent Nobel peace prize winner Shirin Ebadi.
President
Elizabeth Coleman, distinguished Trustees, families, friends,
students, and dear graduating class:
It is
a pleasure to address the kind of people whose support for
international peace and democratic norms is a source of inspiration
for human rights activists throughout the world. I wish to
express my deep gratitude for being invited here and declare
in no uncertain terms that the honor you have bestowed upon
me personally must be seen as a way of honoring all those
who risk their freedom, even their lives, to advance the cause
of human rights. More particularly, I am delighted to be on
the campus of Bennington College, an institution famous for
its innovative approach to learning and responsiveness to
the interests and aspirations of individual students. The
newly launched Democracy Project at Bennington is a clear
example of how concerned this college is to address the urgent
need for national and international civility. In practice,
the concept of democracy has evolved to the point that it
is assumed to be based on universal human rights and charged
with protecting an all-inclusive civil society. It is no wonder,
then, that supporters of peace throughout the world find it
imperative to promote the culture of democracy. The most effective
way to promote the culture of democracy in a non-partisan
and non-ideological fashion is to integrate it into the curriculum
of educational institutions, at all levels of learning. Since
college community is the place where dialogue about critical
issues facing collectivities can flower and bare fruit, I
wish to devote my speech to a central question of our era,
the relationship between religion and democracy.
As you
are all well aware, philosophers and thinkers have long debated
this question. Some have maintained that since God created
human beings, we only have certain duties to fulfill, not
rights to enjoy. When such preachers acknowledge the existence
of ‘rights’ in their discourse, they limit the
applicability of the term to relationships among individuals,
not to the state or religious authorities. They claim that
people lack the ability to make morally sound decisions; only
those who possess specialized knowledge can guide them toward
righteous paths. Followers of this viewpoint do not tolerate
any opinion divergent from their own and end up envisioning
the world through atavistic eyes, insisting all along that
our contemporary problems can be solved by utilizing the real
or imagined wisdom of the distant past. This group does not
concede that the elected representatives of people and their
parliaments have the right to legislate. In their minds, the
legitimacy of a parliament is limited merely to rendering
divine rules into civic laws. In short, the parliament does
not have the right to legislate independently of divine ordinances.
The European
Renaissance challenged this perceived incompatibility between
democracy and religion and initiated a course of development
toward the institutionalization of such principles as popular
sovereignty, political equality, and majority rule. In some
nations, particularly in the Islamic world, the thorny relationship
between religion and democracy is yet to follow the European
experience. Consequently, some observers mistakenly attribute
the current obstacles to democracy in most Muslim countries
to the religion of Islam. The view of Islam they have in mind
is what despotic states define as the religion of their people,
which, in fact, is a state ideology defying the interpretations
and preferences of the vast majority of ordinary Muslims.
In reality, the entrenched rulers have created a state religion
with little concern for what the ruled feel and think. The
guardians of state religion brand those who oppose them as
infidels or enemies of Islam. Using this rather convenient
ploy, they try to force their political opponents into silence
and rob them of their spirit to resist. They assume that common
people can be more easily intimidated if they are made to
think that rejecting the claims of their governments is equivalent
to opposing the religion of their ancestors.
The efforts
to expose the deceptive nature of dictatorial governments
in the Islamic countries are, at the present time, largely
the work of Islamic reformers and intellectuals. These individuals
and groups, regardless of their nationality, are potentially
a united front against the despots who justify their rule
in the name of Islam. The formation of this multi-national
coalition, equipped with valid jurisprudential interpretations
and inspired by the spirit of the holy Quran, promises to
free Islam from its self appointed custodians and pave the
way for democratization of Islamic societies. This united
front has no name, no leader, no central headquarters or branches,
and yet it is ingrained in the minds of enlightened Muslims,
who, while safeguarding their ancestral faith, choose democracy,
reject rule by fiat, and refuse to follow the misguided proclamations
of state supported religious authorities.
Islam,
like other Abrahamic faiths, is, in its essence, a religion
of equality and compassion. The spirit of Islam is open to
pluralism and does not permit the privileging of one segment
of the population over others. The problem of intolerance
and arbitrary rule in Islamic societies cannot be attributed
to the nature of the Islamic faith, but rather to certain
cultural propensities and opportunistic rulers who concoct
precedents and instrumentalist interpretations of religious
doctrines in order to deny the rights and equality of their
citizens. Thus, what is needed in Islamic societies, in addition
to facing up to the arbitrary acts and claims of those controlling
the state, is promotion of reform in the political culture
and attitudes of the populace. We need to transform our political
and cultural norms in such a way that they remain compatible
with the spirit of Islam while responding to the challenges
of modernity and human rights standards. The populace have
to feel secure about being the citizens of a democracy and
remaining faithful, if they so wish, to their religious beliefs.
At a time
when despots ruling in the Islamic world characterize their
native critics as ‘apostates’ or hostile to Islam
and treat those who dare to resist them with brute force,
Muslim intellectuals should try their best to connect with
their populace and try to familiarize them with dynamic and
inclusive portrayals of Islam. They need to articulate a political
critique of their state that resonate with the hopes and sensibilities
of their general publics. We should bear in mind that criticizing
the policies of self-proclaimed Islamic states will not effect
most people unless the critics can point out how the actions
of the ruling elite have violated the core foundations of
Islam. In the contemporary world, all nations need democratic
governance. The rulers who use the pretext of cultural relativism
against the demand for democracy are, in fact, reactionary
bullies who attempt to rationalize their illegitimate exercise
of power under the guise of national or religious traditions.
The claim
to protect national security is another excuse for violating
human rights. Fighting terrorism is a necessary and just cause.
But this fight must be conducted in accordance with international
humanitarian laws. At times, rulers exaggerate a real threat
to society and use it to suppress the voices of dissent. They
constrain the rights of their people by creating imaginary
foes, seeing conspiracies behind the demand for freedom and
becoming obsessive about the protection of social order. This
kind of state behavior threatens civil liberties even in some
Western countries, including the United States, and is oppressively
prevalent in Islamic societies like Iran. Given the intimidating
nature of such circumstances, it is deeply gratifying to know
that international and national human rights organizations
are more active and courageous today than ever before. Their
purpose is to put the protection of human rights on the agenda
of global politics. This is a goal worth fighting for. Doctors
without borders, journalists without borders, scientists without
borders, environmentalists without borders, and human rights
activists without borders are all showing the way to a better
future. In the age of globalism, it is only logical that we
work for the expansion of a global community trying to make
the world a more peaceful and equitable place.
My dear
students, if such a world is possible, you have to be its
architects. As you know by now, the search for knowledge is
never-ending. Whatever our age, we ought to be open to call
what we supposedly know into question. We should never cease
to want to learn more. In the modern world, knowledge is embedded
with rationalism. And an important principle in rationalism
is skepticism. In the increasingly complex world we live in,
we need to be skeptical about conventional thinking and search
for more effective solutions to our problems. Skepticism is
the key to progress and innovation. Be skeptical about what
you hear or see on television screen. Do not accept the answers
that you have hitherto been offered. Seek better and more
effective answers. Remember that today’s scientists
are the true children of Descartes, whose dictum—“I
doubt, therefore I am.”—has become immortalized
in the history of philosophy.
Be skeptical
about the news you hear or watch. Do not accept political
news from only one source. Try to check the accuracy of news
through alternative sources. The daily news is an effective
means of shaping our political perceptions. If we leave our
minds at the mercy of this or that group, this or that party,
this or that ideology, this or that religion, we could become
victims of the curse called dogmatism. Thus if you are committed
to a particular belief or idea, study other beliefs and ideas
as well. Ask questions, again and again, and evaluate the
responses you receive, and only then choose the answer you
find most convincing. If you are a member of a political party,
learn about the positions or programs of other parties. Becoming
dogmatic about one’s belief or opinions freezes our
intellect and imagination. Dogma is a threat to peace and
civility. Be prepared that the view you hold might be wrong.
Be ready to accept the possibility that the story you have
heard is inaccurate. When it comes to news, particularly political
news, never limit yourself to American sources; try to consult
other sources, from other countries, listen to what they have
to say. Compare the competing claims you receive and subject
them to the rules of logic, evidence and common sense if you
wish to have reasonable understanding of what is actually
happening. Only then can you contemplate how we might influence
the course of events, whether there is a different way of
setting our priorities and pursuing our goals.
The images
of the 9/11 tragedies will be with us for the rest of our
lives. The heart of every soulful human being is pained by
this calamity. I once again offer my condolences to those
who lost their loved ones on that day, and wish them solace.
But I do not want to stop there. I wish to take you back in
history, about twenty years before September 11, the time
prior to the collapse of the Soviet Union. It was then that
the foreign policy of the United States relied on religious
fundamentalism in the fight against Communism. At the time,
U. S. policymakers assumed that religious dogma was instrumentally
useful in the Cold War competition. Based on this view, American
policy defended and cooperated with undemocratic governments
and Islamist movements like the Taliban. America wished to
fight its old rival and foe, the Soviet Union, which had occupied
Afghanistan, through Islamic fundamentalism. It was then that
Pakistan began to help with the creation of madrasses (religious
schools) for indoctrinating the youths to become warriors
against the occupying Soviet troops in Afghanistan. These
madrassses were essential for the growth of the Taliban movement.
Since the area was fertile ground for the rise of fundamentalism,
the Taliban grew in a short time, and gradually began to conquer
towns and cities. After the fall of Kabul, only a handful
of countries recognized the Taliban. The Taliban went on to
rule Afghanistan and what transpired in that country needs
no retelling. In the years of their growth, the United States
consistently supported the Taliban. When the nature of the
Taliban regime was revealed, American attitude toward them
soured and shortly after the theorists of the clash of civilizations
began to propagate their fear-ridden rhetoric. Then came the
calamity of September 11 and provided the clash of civilizations
propagandists with a demagogic episode to prove their case.
The fact that an overwhelming majority of the 1.2 billion
Muslims condemned the crime and expressed sympathy for its
victims did not seem to influence the contention that what
happened on September 11 was a battle in a war between Western
and Islamic civilizations.
The September
11 crime against humanity and its far-reaching consequences
clearly demonstrate how globalism has made war, peace and
terrorism a worldwide phenomenon. Without being party to a
violent conflict, a country or community suddenly finds itself
engulfed in its midst. The United States is at war with al-Qaeda
and terrorists target innocent people in Spain. The causes
of terrorism are too complex to be reduced to one or two factors,
but we have to face the fact that U.S. alliance with dictators
and its selective support or instrumental use of religious
fanatics is a major source of anti-Americanism and terrorism
originating in the Middle East. Contrary to the recent claims
of the American administration, Washington continues its intimate
connection with too many despots in the region. It is no exaggeration
to say that defending or helping undemocratic governments
has the potential, to say the least, to become self destructive,
like pointing a loaded gun at oneself and playing with the
trigger. It is my fervent hope that the United States and
other Western powers find a way of ending their support and
cooperation with the despots who arrogate to themselves the
right to govern without the consent of the governed.
Yet, we
ought to be aware that democracy is not a gift to be offered
by one country to another. Modern developments in Europe and
North America make it evident that democracy has to grow within
each society and follow its own native path. It is naïve
to assume that a powerful state can export democratic norms,
even with the best of intentions, through bombing and military
invasion. Nations in breach of human rights must be compelled
to comply with their international obligations through the
decisions of the United Nations and pressure of non-governmental
organizations. Only then external intervention for promotion
or protection of human rights has legitimacy and promises
to be effective.
Another
crucial factor to keep in mind if promotion of democracy in
the world is to be a serious consideration in the foreign
policies of advanced industrial countries is to pay attention
to the concrete consequences of globalization. For it is becoming
increasingly apparent that globalization is a double-edged
sword. It has brought us both costs and benefits and the vast
majority of people in the world either pay the costs or see
little tangible benefits from it. If promotion of human rights
and democracy is to be more than a rhetorical game, it is
essential that globalization reduces the deep gap between
rich and poor nations. We cannot expect the world to become
more humane or democratic if destitution is to remain a condition
of life for a majority of world population. We cannot monopolize
the benefits of globalism and expect the growing ranks of
excluded to be satisfied with the status quo. We cannot speak
of globalism and deny some people a share of knowledge. A
strange negative consequence of September 11 has been the
governmental pressure on the institutions of higher learning
to deny acceptance to foreign students from several countries
that plan to major in such technical fields as information
technology, nuclear physics, and genetic engineering. It will
be a very sad day and a victory for the likes of bin Laden
if the concerns created by September 11 lead to a reduction
of opportunities for students from Isalmic countries to study
in the United States. The errors of a few who engage in violence
under the guise of Islam should not become a reason for frustrating
the desire of youths from Islamic countries to study in Western
universities and colleges.
Islam
is not a religion of terror and violence. Let us not consider
the wrong deeds of individuals or fanatical groups as the
fault of their religion. Let us not hold Islam responsible
for terrorism, as we did not hold Christianity responsible
for the wrongful deeds of some individuals in the war in Bosnia.
Similarly, the Israeli government’s disregard of numerous
United Nations resolutions concerning the rights of Palestinians
has nothing to do with the Jewish faith. Let us separate the
faults of individual human beings from the religions and civilizations
they belong to. Cultures are not in clash, but in fact share
many common points. Let us talk of our points of confluence,
not of conflict. Let us never legitimize war, as no one emerges
victorious from this cursed phenomenon. I am deeply saddened
by the death of American soldiers in Iraq; I hope that with
an end to the conflict, your children will soon return home,
safe and sound. I am also deeply grieved and surprised by
the news I hear about the treatment of Iraqi prisoners. I
ask myself, how can American civilization and American civil
society tolerate such behavior? I remind you that the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights was ratified with the extensive
support of Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt. The efforts of this great
American woman are immortalized in history; her name inscribed
on the most cherished document of human civilizations. We
should all be guided by the spirit of Eleanor Roosevelt in
setting the goals and priorities of our nations or communities.
This ought to be particularly the case for American policy
makers because they are, more than any other group of people
in the world, in the position of shaping the course of international
relations.
I sound
like a dreamer, I know. I am a dreamer when, in the midst
of the turmoil in the Islamic world, I imagine a dynamic Islam
that not only is entirely compatible with democracy and human
rights, but can participate in carrying the banner of advancing
the cause of peace and human rights in the world. I am a dreamer
when I wish for the growth of a sustained global concern for
peace and human rights. And yes, I am a dreamer when I think
dreams are—have always been—an impetus of progress
in history. The challenge facing us today is to think like
dreamers but act in a pragmatic manner. Let us remember that
many accomplishments of humanity began as a dream. Thank you.
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